Monat: Dezember 2011
Eigentlich wollte ich heute einen Rückblick auf das bald vergangene Jahr wagen. Ich wollte näher darauf eingehen, wie ich zu alledem – in Beziehung auf den Maskulismus – kam, was ich hier vertrete. Doch das werde ich nicht tun (Interessierte finden HIER einen kurzen Einstieg).
Ich möchte diesen verschneiten Nachmittag aus dem „Dorf“, in welchem ich wieder lebe, nutzen um ein wenig über mich zu schreiben. Es ist der 31. Dezember, ein Samstag – wie aus der Kalenderformel leicht eruierbar (so jedenfalls aus unserer letzten topIQ Ausgabe 44 f. zu entnehmen). Ich bin nachdenklich gestimmt. Dieses Mal scheint es ein Zusammenspiel von Hochbegabung und Hochsensibilität zu sein. Eigenschaften meinerseits, welche ich in der Regel zu verschweigen, zu verstecken habe und auch aktiv suche. Doch ich merke gerade, dass mir die Worte doch schwerer an den Fingerkuppen kleben, als vorher gedacht. Ich merke, dass ich wohl doch Leuten heute wieder zuprosten werde, mich verstellen und über platteste Witze lachen, Smalltalk führen und artig meine Mundwinkel nach oben pressen werde. The same procedure as every year, every day. Und dabei suche ich doch nur ein In-der-Welt-Sein, ein DU, ein WIR, ein VERSTEHEN, ein VERSTEHEN der immer komplizierteren Welt, der immer komplizierteren Menschen, ein EINFRIEREN der ZeitMASCHINE; doch HALT Herbert, halt!, du musst wohl schon träumen, jeder hat so seinen Tick. Belassen wir es dabei. Feiert schön, die ihr mir nur als Avatare bekannt seid. Prosit Neujahr!
In diesem Sinne, ein paar Gedichte (eins von mir), mal sehen wie es weitergeht:
in schwebender Pein,
zum Tode betrübt –
ist die Seele, die liebt.
Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
Die Krähen schrein
und ziehen schwirren Flugs zur Stadt.
Bald wird es schnein.
Wohl dem, der jetzt noch Heimat hat!
Nun stehst du starr,
schaust rückwärts, ach! wie lange schon!
Was bist du Narr
vor Winters in die Welt entflohn?
Die Welt – ein Tor
zu tausend Wüsten stumm und kalt!
Wer das verlor,
was du verlorst, macht nirgends halt.
Nun stehst du bleich,
zur Winter-Wanderschaft verflucht,
dem Rauche gleich,
der stets nach kältern Himmeln sucht.
Flieg, Vogel, schnarr
dein Lied im Wüstenvogel-Ton!
Versteck, du Narr,
dein blutend Herz in Eis und Hohn!
Die Krähen schrein
und ziehen schwirren Flugs zur Stadt.
Bald wird es schnein, –
weh dem, der keine Heimat hat.
Zeit der Gnade
weit von Erden
weg das Lied der Fröhlichkeit;
wohl zu sterben
jener Uhrenzeiger zeigt:
Kurz vor Mittag bei dem Kinde,
kurz vor Mittag bei der Frau;
kurz vor Mittag bei dem Manne,
kurz vor Mittag,
Trag die Sense auf dem Wege
vor dir her als ein Symbol,
so als ob die Nacht entschwebe,
lebe gleichsam IMMER-WOHL.
Für Eingeweihte 🙂
1. c6xd7! Ke7 2. d8D!
… Kxe6 3. Db6#
… KxDd8 3. Th8#
… Ke6 2. d8T (da d8D: 1/2 1/2) Kf6 3. Td6#
… Kc6 2. d8L (da d8D: 1/2 1/2) Kd6 3. Ta6#
Mehr als 125 Studien – davon 95 ab dem Jahr 2000 – sprechen eine eindeutige Sprache: Frauen sind auch Täter!!!
Download (0,3 MB/pdf) HIER
1.) Sabrina N. Nowinskia, Erica Bowen: Partner violence against heterosexual and gay men: Prevalence and correlates, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, Volume 17, Issue 1, 2012, Pages 36-52.
Female victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) have been the focus of a substantial amount of research. However, the subject of male victims of IPV remains a controversial topic, and one which has been comparatively neglected within the literature, despite some findings suggesting that men are victimized by intimate partners at an equivalent, or even higher rate than women. This paper reviews the literature on male victims of IPV, both within opposite and same-gender relationships, focusing on the prevalence and correlates of IPV, as well as exploring the relationship between IPV and ethnicity. According to the literature reviewed, the prevalence of female perpetrated IPV against heterosexual male victims ranges from 0.2% to 93%, homosexual male victimization ranges between 1.8% and 93.7%, and heterosexual female victimization ranges between 1.3% and 86% depending on the type of IPV included, whether the reference period includes the past 12 months, or lifetime experience, and the method used to assess IPV.
2.) Martin Fiebert: References examining assaults by women on their spouses or male partners: An annotated bibliogroaphy 2011.
SUMMARY: This bibliography examines 282 scholarly investigations: 218 empirical studies and 64 reviews and/or analyses, which demonstrate that women are as physically aggressive, or more aggressive, than men in their relationships with their spouses or male partners. The aggregate sample size in the reviewed studies exceeds 369,800.
3.) Christos Tsopelasa, Tsetsou Spyridoulaa, Douzenis Athanasios: Review on female sexual offenders: Findings about profile and personality, in: International Journal of Law and Psychiatry Volume 34, Issue 2, 2011, 122-126.
A unanimous view of what is female sexual abuse is difficult to reach. Often it is under reported, unrecognized or considered ethically more acceptable than male abuse. It is also connected with an increased self-report of history of sexual abuse of the perpetrators. A typology of female sexual abusers should be developed. Treatments focusing on different psychological interventions along with prevention and public awareness can be a powerful tool in reduction of sexual abuse perpetrated by females.
4.) Fiona Mairead McCartan, Heather Law, Maeve Murphy: Child and adolescent females who present with sexually abusive behaviors: A 10-year UK prevalence study, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1, 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
5.) A. A. Randle & C. A. Graham: A review of the evidence on the effects of intimate partner violence on men, in: Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 12, (2) 2011, 96-111.
This review examines the empirical evidence on the effects of intimate partner violence (IPV) in men. The main theoretical frameworks used in this area are outlined, and methodological issues are discussed. Studies examining posttraumatic stress (PTS) symptoms, depression, and suicidal ideation in men who have experienced IPV are reviewed.
6.) S. Moxon: Beyond staged retreat behind virtual ‚gender paradigm‘ barricades: the rise and fall of the misrepresentation of partner-violence, and its eclipse by an understanding of mate-guarding, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 3 2011, 45-56.
The notion of partner-violence as a male-perpetrated phenomenon is not a scientific position but an amelioration of cognitive-dissonance within a political mindset. Against all the data, this ‘gender paradigm’ persists as a series of staged retreats as new research debunks each in turn. Supposed highly sex-differential injury rates, male unilaterality of perpetration, female self-defence, male ‘control’, and female especial fear are all discredited as reasons to focus solely on men’s aggression.
7.) Miriam Wijkman, Catrien Bijleveld & Jan Hendriks: Female sex offenders: Specialists, generalists and once-only offenders, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1 2011, 34-45.
This study examines the criminal careers of all female sex offenders prosecuted by the criminal justice authorities in the Netherlands in the period 1994–2005. A latent class analysis shows that three subgroups of women can be distinguished: once-only offenders (who commit just one sex offence and no other offence), generalists (who combine sex offending with relatively many serious other, often violent, offences) and specialists (who commit relatively many sex offences next to some minor offences).
8.) Tanyaradzwa M. Kajese, Linh T. Nguyen, Giao Q. Pham, Van K. Pham, Katherine Melhorn, K. James Kallail: Characteristics of child abuse homicides in the state of Kansas from 1994 to 2007, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 35, Issue 2 2011, 147-154.
9.) Einat Peled: Abused women who abuse their children: A critical review of the literature, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, Volume 16, Issue 4 2011, 325-330.
10.) R. Carmo, A. Grams, T. Magalhaes: Men as victims of intimate partner violence, in: Journal of forensic and legal medicine, 18(8) 2011, 355-359.
The reported cases of intimate partner violence against men represent 11.5% of the total of these cases observed in the medico-legal services of Porto. This number may be bigger because men tend to underreport and hide this kind of victimization, and also because injuries usually are mild (women perpetrate psychological abuse and minor acts of physical violence).
11.) Theresa Porter: Hit like a Girl: Women Who Batter Their Partners, 2011.
Domestic violence by women represents a blind spot for western society. Since 1977, multiple large scale international studies have demonstrated the women can and do beat, batter and murder their male and female intimate partners at a rate equal to or higher than that of man, yet this issue is not simply ignored but denied by society at large.
12.) Catherine P. Cross & Anne Campbell: Women’s aggression, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, Volume 16, Issue 5 2011, 390-398.
13.) Zeev Winstok, Murray A. Straus: Gender Differences in Intended Escalatory Tendencies Among Marital Partners, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 26, No. 18 2011, 3599-3617.
This study addresses the intended escalatory tendency in eight hypothetical situations in which the provocator’s identity (partner or stranger, male or female) and the provocation form (verbal or physical aggression) were manipulated. The research question is “how does the identity of the provocator and the form of his or her provocation affect the participant’s intended escalation level, and does the gender of the participant affect differences in intended escalation level?” The research sample consisted of 208 Israeli couples. The main finding is that women’s intended response to their male partner is more escalatory than men’s intended response to their female partner. Results also show that women’s escalation is the most severe to partner provocation and the least severe to male strangers’ provocation. Men’s escalation is the most severe to provocation by male strangers and the least severe to their partner’s provocation. Findings indicate that men’s intention to escalate decreases as their partner’s provocation becomes more severe. The severity of provocation has little effect on women’s inten–tion to escalate. Such results are consistent with social role theory and sexual selection theory that maintain that status enhancement is more important for men than for women, and is more important for men than risk reduction is, whereas the opposite is true for women.
14.) Anne-Marie Slotboom, Jan Hendriks, Janna Verbruggen: Contrasting adolescent female and male sexual aggression: A self-report study on prevalence and predictors of sexual aggression, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1, 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
In this study we investigated the prevalence of sexual aggression as reported by adolescent males and females in the Netherlands. Data were collected from a low-risk school-based sample (n=219; 119 adolescent females and 100 adolescent males), a medium-risk school-based sample (vocational training) (n=237; 117 adolescent females and 120 adolescent males); and a high-risk sample from eight different juvenile justice institutions (n=377; 215 adolescent females and 162 adolescent males). Participants reported on the strategy used to force a person into sexual contact (defined as sexual touching, sexual intercourse or oral sex) against his/her will. Results showed that around 8% of the adolescent females and 10% of the adolescent males reported having used sexual aggression against a person.
15.) Maarten Muskens, Stefan Bogaerts, Marjolijn van Casteren, Sybille Labrijn: Adult female sexual offending: A comparison between co-offenders and solo offenders in a Dutch sample, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1, 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
In this study, several offence, victim and offender characteristics of 60 adult female sexual offenders were examined. The first purpose was to explore the personality pathology among these offenders. The second purpose was to examine the sexual, violent and any recidivism rates of these offenders. These offenders were referred for an inpatient or outpatient psychiatric and/or psychological evaluation between January 1999 and December 2008. The results revealed that the mean number of DSM-IV Axis I disorder was larger among solo offenders compared to co-offenders. Conversely, the mean number of DSM-IV personality disorders was larger among co-offenders compared to solo offenders. Furthermore, the sexual, violent and any recidivism rate of these female sexual offenders was 0, 1.9 and 7.7%, respectively. Offender type (i.e. solo offender) significantly predicts a new offence of any type.
16.) Jeff Sandler, Naomi J. Freeman: Female sex offenders and the criminal justice system: A comparison of arrests and outcomes, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1, 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
Das Geschlecht, so die Autoren, „significantly reduce[s] the likelihood of incarceration for offenders convicted of sexual offences.„
17.) James Vess: Risk assessment with female sex offenders: Can women meet the criteria of community protection laws?, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, Volume 17, Issue 1, 2011: Special Issue: Female Sexual Offenders.
Although females represent a small proportion of the sex offender population, they occasionally appear before the courts under the current generation of laws intended to protect the public from high-risk sex offenders.
18.) D. A. Hines & E. M. Douglas: Intimate terrorism by women towards men: does it exist?, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research, 2, (3) 2010, 36-56.
This study investigates Johnson’s theory as it applies to a sample of 302 men who sustained IPV from their female partners and sought help, and a comparison sample of community men. Results showed that the male helpseekers sample was comprised of victims of IT and that violence by the male victims was part of a pattern of what Johnson labels violent resistance.
19.) R. L. Davis: Domestic Violence-related deaths, in: Journal of Aggression, Conflict, and Peace Research, 2 (2) 2010, 44-52.
20.) J. Langhinrichsen-Rohling: Controversies involving gender and intimate partner violence in the United States, in: Sex Roles, 62 2010, 179-193.
Reviewed evidence support three central theses that: 1) there are subtypes of IPV; 2) women are as involved as men with some but not all subtypes of IPV, and 3) recognition of these gender-related challenges will improve policy, treatment, and working models of IPV.
21.) Jackie Turton: Female sexual abusers: Assessing the risk, in: International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice, Volume 38, Issue 4, 2010, 279-293.
Successful risk management within child protection is problematic and in many cases is a delicate balancing act between parental and children’s rights. Reversing the expected gender roles creates a dynamic that may increase the difficulties of risk assessment even further. This paper focuses on women who sexually abuse children and discusses the particular problems relating to the assessment of risk in professional practice. The data was gathered in the UK and drawn from a series of qualitative interviews with child protection professionals, including 3 police officers, 2 lawyers, 15 social workers, 6 probation officers, 8 health workers and 11 counsellors. The interview data have identified some links between the gendered assumptions and the rationales used by professionals to explain the abusive behaviour.
22.) Theresa Porter: Woman as Molester; Implications for Society 2009.
Female sex offenders of children represent a blind spot of western society. Research over the last 20 years has noted that women can and do sexually abuse children at alarmingly high rates, yet the issue is largely ignored by the media and society at large. This paper will examine the prevalence of sex offending by women against children and then explore the culturally important myths involved in perpetuating the idea that women are sexually safe around children.
23.) Donald G. Dutton, Kenneth N. Corvo, John Hamel: The gender paradigm in domestic violence research and practice part II: The information website of the American Bar Association, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior 14 (2009) 30–38.
Without restating the entire argument, the notion that domestic violence is solely motivated by male domination of women has been rejected on several grounds, including huge and representative data sets showing female IPV to be more commonplace than male perpetrated IPV (Archer, 2000; Stets & Straus, 1989; Whittaker et al., 2007), to generate only moderately more injuries (Whittaker et al., 2007), and to be generated by the same motives (Fiebert, 2004; Follingstad, Wright, Lloyd, & Sebastian, 1991).
24.) Peter Tracey: Exploring Taboos: Comparing Male and Female Perpetrated Child Sexual Abuse, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 7 2009, 1111 – 1128.
The author concludes that more research into female-perpetrated child sexual abuse is necessary to better understand these differences. Results should be interpreted cautiously, as analyses were based on only 37 investigations involving female perpetrators.
25.) J. Allen-Collinson: A marked man: Female perpetrated intimate partner abuse, in: International Journal of Men’s Health, 8, (1) 2009, 22-40.
This paper seeks to add to a small, but developing qualitative literature on male victims‘ accounts of intimate abuse and violence. Drawing on case study data, the article charts some of the salient themes emerging from a series of in-depth interviews and the personal diary of an abused heterosexual male victim.
26.) Rebecca Deering and David Mellor: Sentencing of male and female child sex offenders: Australian study, Psychiatry, psychology and law, 394-412, Australian Academic Press Pty. Ltd., Melbourne, Vic 2009.
Research suggests that, in line with the chivalry hypothesis of female offending, a range of mitigatory factors such as mental health problems, substance abuse, and personal experiences of abuse are brought into play when women who offend against children are brought to trial. This is reflected in sentencing comments made by judges and in the sanctions imposed on the offenders, and as a result female offenders are treated differently to male offenders. The current study investigated this in an Australian context. Seven cases of female-perpetrated child sexual abuse were identified over a 6-year period through the Austlii database. Seven cases of male-perpetrated child sex abuse matched as far as possible to these were identified. Court transcripts were then located, and sentencing comments and sanctions imposed were analysed. All offenders were sentenced to imprisonment, but in general the women were more likely than the men to receive less jail time and lower non-parole periods because their personal backgrounds or situation at the time of the offending (i.e., difficulties with intimate relationship, male dependence issues, depression, loneliness and anger) were perceived as worthy of sympathy, and they were considered as likely to be rehabilitated. Further investigations are needed to support these findings.
27.) E. M. Saewyc, D. Brown, M. Plane, M. P. Mundt, L. Zakletskaia, J. Wiegel & M. F. Fleming: Gender Differences in violence exposure among university students attending campus health clinics in the United States and Canada, in: Journal of Adolescent Health, 45(6) 2009, 587-94.
Similar rates of men (17%) and women (16%) reported any violence in the past 6 months; women were more likely to report emotional and men to report physical violence. Of those reporting emotional violence, 45.5% women and 50% men indicated it was IPV, and 23.7% women and 20.9% men reported physical IPV.
28.) Helen Gavin: “Mummy wouldn’t do that” the perception and construction of the female child sex abuser, in: Evil, Women and the Feminine, 1-3 May 2009, Budapest, Hungary. (Unpublished)
The recognition of female perpetrators of child sex abuse is impeded by the perception of women as incapable of such acts. Why is such perception persistent in the face of information to the contrary? This research uses a social constructivist approach to examining perceptions of female sexual abusers, to try to determine the answer to why we think mummy wouldn’t do that
29.) M. A. Straus: Current controversies and prevalence concerning female offenders of intimate partner violence. Why the overwhelming evidence of partner physical violence by women has not been perceived and is often denied, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 1-19.
The author suggests explanations for the fact that, despite a large body of high-quality evidence, gender symmetry in the perpetration of nonsexual physical abuse against a partner in a marital, cohabiting or dating relationship has not been perceived by the public or service providers.
30.) M. A. Strauss & M. J. Paschall: Corporal punishment by mothers and development of children’s cognitive ability: a longitudinal study of two nationally representative age cohorts, in: Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma, 18 2009, 459-483.
31.) G. Amendt: I didn’t divorce my kids!: How fathers deal with family break-ups. Campus Verlag Publishers 2008. (In Chapter 5 author presents data from an internet survey of 3600 divorced German fathers. Results reveal that 1/3 of men reported episodes of physical violence during the divorce process and 2/3 of these were initiated by ex-partners.)
32.) S. Strickland: Female Sex Offenders: Exploring Issues of Personality, Trauma, and Cognitive Distortions, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23 2008, 474-489.
A sample of 130 incarcerated females, 60 sex offenders, and 70 nonsexual offenders is used. Significant results are found in the areas of total childhood trauma and severity of sexual abuse suffered and social and sexual adequacy. No differences are found in abuse of substances, personality disorders, emotional neediness, or cognitive distortions.
33.) Theresa A. Gannon, Mariamne R. Rose: Female child sexual offenders: Towards integrating theory and practice, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior Volume 13, Issue 6, November-December 2008, Pages 442-461.
Female-perpetrated child sexual abuse is beginning to be recognized as a significant problem in Western society. Despite this, however, relatively few researchers and professionals have conducted research of direct relevance for treating previous termfemalenext term child previous termsexualnext term offenders (FCSOs).
34.) Sergio Herzog & Shaul Oreg: Chivalry and the Moderatin Effect of Ambivalent Sexism: Individual Differences in Crime Seriousness Judgments, in: Law & Society Review, Volume 42, Issue 1 2008, 45-74.
Eight hundred forty respondents from a national sample of Israeli residents evaluated the seriousness of hypothetical crime scenarios with (traditional and nontraditional) female and male offenders. As hypothesized, hostile and benevolent sexism moderate the effect of women’s “traditionality” on respondents‘ crime seriousness judgments and on the severity of sentences assigned.
35.) Peter Tracey: Speaking About the Unspeakable. Exploring the Impact of Mother-Daughter Sexual Abuse, in: Violence Against Women, Volume 16, Nr. 9 2008, 1033-1053.
36.) Jenny Yourstone, Torun Lindholm Marianne Kristiansson: Women who kill: A comparison of the psychosocial background of female and male perpetrators, in: International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, Volume 31, Issue 4 2008, 374-383.
Results showed that both female and male perpetrators were psychosocially encumbered already at an early age. Homicidal women had more severe childhood circumstances, but less aggressive childhood behaviour than did their male counterparts. At the time of the crime, women had a more ordered social situation, had more often been exposed to violence and searched for help than had the men. These gender differences suggest that specific actions are needed for preventing women’s homicidal behaviour.
37.) Kim Turner, Holly A. Miller, Craig E. Henderson: Latent Profile Analyses of Offense and Personality Characteristics in a Sample of Incarcerated Female Sexual Offenders, in: Criminal Justice and Behavior, 35 2008, 879-894.
38.) SC Swan, LJ Gambone, JE Caldwell, TP Sullivan, DL Snow: A review of research on women’s use of violence with male intimate partners, in: Violence and victims, 23(3) 2008, 301-14.
The major points of this review are as follows: (a) women’s violence usually occurs in the context of violence against them by their male partners; (b) in general, women and men perpetrate equivalent levels of physical and psychological aggression, but evidence suggests that men perpetrate sexual abuse, coercive control, and stalking more frequently than women and that women also are much more frequently injured during domestic violence incidents; (c) women and men are equally likely to initiate physical violence in relationships involving less serious „situational couple violence,“ and in relationships in which serious and very violent „intimate terrorism“ occurs, men are much more likely to be perpetrators and women victims; (d) women’s physical violence is more likely than men’s violence to be motivated by self-defense and fear, whereas men’s physical violence is more likely than women’s to be driven by control motives; (e) studies of couples in mutually violent relationships find more negative effects for women than for men; and (f) because of the many differences in behaviors and motivations between women’s and men’s violence, interventions based on male models of partner violence are likely not effective for many women.
39.) A.V. Lysova & E.M. Douglas: Intimate Partner Violence Among Male and Female Russian University Students, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence 23 (2008), 1279-1599.
40.) Shannon M. Bader, Mario J. Scaloraa, Thomas K. Casady, Shannon Black: Female sexual abuse and criminal justice intervention: A comparison of childprotective service and criminal justice samples, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 32, Issue 1, January 2008, Pages 111-119.
Victims ranged in age from 1 to 18 years old (M = 9.98, SD = 4.37). As hypothesized, there were statistically significant differences between the CPS and criminal justice samples. Specifically, the CPS sample had a majority of victims under age 12 (74.9%), while the criminal justice sample had a majority of victims between ages 13 and 19 (73.8%). The CPS sample had predominantly intrafamilial victims (97.8%), while the criminal justice sample had a majority of extrafamilial victims (63.3%). The CPS sample also showed significantly more previous termfemalenext term victims (63.7%), while the criminal justice sample had mostly male victims (62.1%).
41.) Statistical Analysis Center: Domestic Violence in Alabama, 2008.
42.) University of Washington: Teenage Violence Linked To Later Domestic Violence. Science Daily 2007.
In addition it showed that nearly twice as many women as men said they perpetrated domestic violence in the past year including kicking, biting or punching their partner, threatening to hit or throw something at their partner, and pushing, grabbing or shoving their partner.
43.) D. M. Capaldi, H. K. Kim & J. W. Shortt: Observed initiation and reciprocity of physical aggression in young at-risk couples, in: Journal of Family Violence, 22 (2) 2007, 101-111.
The present study examined sex differences in initiation of physical aggression as observed during discussion tasks and in the likelihood of a similar response from the partner. In addition, patterns for men and women in the prevalence of aggression initiation and partner reciprocation across 4 time points spanning approximately 9 years from late adolescence through the mid-20s are examined, as well as overall associations with reported aggression and injuries. Findings indicated that the young women were more likely than the men to initiate physical aggression at late adolescence, but by the mid-20s in early adulthood there were no significant sex differences in initiation rates.
44.) M. Carney, F. Buttell & D. Dutton: Women who perpetrate intimate partner violence: A review of the literature with recommendations for treatment, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 12 2007, 108-115.
The purpose of this article is to review the literature on women as perpetrators of violence in their intimate relationships (i.e., domestically violent women) and summarize the scant literature on intervention programs for these women.
45.) L. Bunting: Dealing with a problem that doesn’t exist? Professional responses to female perpetrate, in: Child Abuse Review, 4 2007, 252-267.
Findings indicate female involvement in sexual offenses against children is more common than generally thought, and has serious implications for the long-term emotional and psychological well-being of victims.
46.) Daniel J. Whitaker, Tadesse Haileyesus, Monica Swahn and Linda S. Saltzman: Differences in Frequency of Violence and Reported Injury Between Relationships With Reciprocal and Nonreciprocal Intimate Partner Violence, in: American Journal of Public Health, Vol 97, No. 5 2007, 941-947.
Almost 24% of all relationships had some violence,and half (49.7%) of those were reciprocally violent. In nonreciprocallyviolent relationships, women were the perpetrators in more than70% of the cases. Reciprocity was associated with more frequentviolence among women (adjusted odds ratio [AOR]=2.3; 95% confidenceinterval [CI]=1.9, 2.8), but not men (AOR=1.26; 95% CI=0.9,1.7).
47.) D. A. Hines, J. Brown, J., E. Dunning: Characteristics of Callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. Durham, NH: University of New Hampshire, Family Violence Lab 2007.
Abstract Intimate partner violence (IPV) bywomen against men has been the subject of much debate. Feminists typically argue that IPV is committed only by men against women. Others argue that violence is a human problem and women also commit much IPV. To resolve these debates, IPV has been classified into two categories: common couple violence captured by population-based studies, and patriarchal terrorism, captured by studies of battered women. This typology ignores male victims of extreme IPV. The current study addresses this omission by describing 190 male callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. All callers experienced physical abuse from their female partners, and a substantial minority feared their wives’ violence and were stalked. Over 90% experienced controlling behaviors, and several men reported frustrating experiences with the domestic violence system.
48.) University of Florida News, 2006.
GAINESVILLE, Fla. — Women are more likely than men to stalk, attack and psychologically abuse their partners, according to a University of Florida study that finds college women have a new view of the dating scene.
49.) J. Archer: Cross cultural differences in physical aggression between partners: A social-role analysis, in: Personality & Social Psychology Review, 10 2006, 133-153.
In developed western nations, both sexes commit acts of physical aggression against their partners. Data from 16 nations showed that this pattern did not generalize to all nations. The magnitude and direction of the sex difference was highly correlated with national-level variations in gender empowerment and individualism-collectivism. As gender equality and individualism increased, the sex difference in partner violence moved in the direction of lesserfemale victimization and greater male victimization.
50.) D. G. Dutton, D. G.: Rethinking Domestic Violence. Vancouver: UBC Press 2006.
51.) R. B. Felson: Is violence against women about women or about violence?, in: Contexts, 5 2006, 21-25.
Homicide research does show that women are more likely to kill in self-defense than men, but police investigators attribute only 10 percent of homicides committed by wives to self-defense; women kill their husbands for a variety of reasons. In addition, the women who kill their husbands are not usually sweet and innocent…. A gender perspective implies that men use violence against their wives to maintain their dominance. However, the accompanying table suggests that husbands are no more controlling than wives, and are perhaps less so.
52.) Murray A. Straus: DOMINANCE AND SYMMETRY IN PARTNER VIOLENCE BY MALE AND FEMALE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN 32 NATIONS, Paper presented at conference on Trends In Intimate Violence Intervention, sponsored by the University of Haifa and New York University. New York University, May 23, 2006.
The study investigated the widely held belief that violence against partners in marital, cohabiting, and dating relationships is almost entirely perpetrated by men, and that when women assault their partners, it has a different etiology than assaults by men. The empirical data on these issues were provided by 13,601 university students who participated in the International Dating Violence Study in 32 nations. The results in the first part of this paper show that almost a third of the female as well as male students physically assaulted a dating partner in the 12 month study period, and that the most frequent pattern was mutuality in violence, i.e. both were violent, followed by “female-only” violence.
53.) R. Luthra & C. A. Gidycz: Dating violence among college men and women, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 21 2006, 717-731.
A sample of 200 college students completes assessments concerning the occurrence of violence in their dating relationships. The incidence of self-reported partner violence is 25% for women and 10% for men.
54.) Suzanne Swan, Laura Gambone, Alice Fields: Technical Report for “An Empirical Examination of a Theory of Women’s Use of Violence in Intimate Relationships”, 2005.
Women’s use of violence in intimate relationships is an issue that is not well understood. Over 100 studies have found that women self-report as much perpetration of violent behavior as men (Straus, 1999). These findings have generated a great deal of controversy, in part because there has been no theoretical framework advanced to explain women’s violence and because issues of coercive control have not been considered or measured until recently. Several reports have appeared recently in the popular press, concluding that women, after all, are just as violent as men.
55.) D. Laroche: Aspects of the context and consequences of domestic violence—Situational couple violence and intimate terrorism in Canada in 1999, in: Quebec City: Government of Quebec Table 8, 2005, p. 16.
The five-year prevalence rates per 1,000 for domestic violence committed by a current or previous spouse/partner were 70 in women (685,900 victims) and 61 in men (542,900 victims). The similarity in prevalence rates may in large part be due to the fact that violence between spouses constitutes a largely bidirectional or mutual phenomenon, as indicated by a number of studies (Ehrensaft et al., 2003: 745, 749-750; Kwong et al., 2003: 294-295; Capaldi & Owen, 2001: 431; Kwong et al., 1999: 155; Magdol et al., 1997: 73; Morse, 1995: 263; Straus, 1993: 74; Brush, 1990: 61).
56.) M. Tardif, N. Auclair, M. Jacob & J .Carpentier: Sexual abuse perpetrated by adult and juvenile females: An ultimate attempt to resolve a conflict associated with maternal identity, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 29 2005, 153-167.
Since 1992, clinical and evaluative data were collected from a sample of 13 AF and 15 JF who had committed sexual abuse. The subjects were evaluated in the program for adult and adolescent sex offenders at the outpatient clinic of the Centre de Psychiatrie Légale de Montréal (affiliated with the Institut Philippe Pinel de Montréal). The data were collected by a multidisciplinary team of clinicians: psychiatrists, psychologists, criminologists and sexologists. A team of two or three clinicians who utilized a standardized interview grid evaluated each subject.
57.) J. J. Cercone, S. R. H. Beach & I. Arias: Gender Symmetry in Dating Intimate Partner Violence: Does Behavior Imply Similar Constructs?, in: Violence and Victims, 20 (2) 2005, 207-218.
58.) M. Cui, F. Lorenz,R. D. Conger, J. N. Melby & C. M. Bryant: Observer, Self-, and partner reports of hostile behaviors in romantic relationships, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67 2005, 1169-1181.
59.) D. G. Dutton & T. L. Nicholls: The gender paradigm in domestic violence research and theory: the conflict of theory and data, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 10 2005, 680-714.
Feminist theory of intimate violence is critically reviewed in the light of data from numerous incidence studies reporting levels of violence by female perpetrators higher than those reported for males, particularly in younger age samples.
60.) D. G. Dutton, T. L. Nicholls & A. Spidel: Female perpetrators of intimate abuse, in: Journal of Offender Rehabilitation, 41, (4) 2005, 1-31.
A review is made of female intimate abuse. It is concluded that females are as abusive as males in intimate relationships according to survey and epidemiological studies. This is especially so for younger “cohort” community samples followed longitudinally.
61.) R. B. Felson, A. C. Cares: Gender and the seriousness of assaults on intimate partners and other victims, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67(5) 2005, 182-195.
We examine the ways in which assaults committed by male intimate partners are more serious than assaults committed by female partners and whether these differences reflect gender differences in offending and victimization generally. Analyses of the National Violence Against Women and Men Survey (N =6,480) show that, in general, gender effects do not depend on the victim’s relationship to the offender. Regardless of their relationship (a) men cause more injuries; (b) women suffer more injuries although their injuries tend to be less severe; (c) victims are more fearful of male offenders but only if the offenders are unarmed; and (d) men are particularly likely to precipitate assaults by other men, not their female partners. Violent husbands do assault with particularly high frequency but so do women who assault family members.
62.) Amy Holtzworth-Munroe: Male Versus Female Intimate Partner Violence: Putting Controversial Findings Into Context, in: Journal of Marriage and Family, 67 (5), 2005, 1120-1125.
Thus, it is important to note that the present study did not directly compare the correlates and predictors of male versus female violence. Ultimately, we need to understand whether similar theories adequately explain both male and women in violent relationships are usually understood to be consequences of victimization. In summary, longitudinal studies, examining mental health before and after both the onset and desistance of violence, among both men and women, are needed to fully address this issue. Similarly, including PTSD as a psychological disorder of interest will be important in such future research.
63.) A. Holtzworth-Munroe: Female perpetration of physical aggression against an intimate partner: A controversial new topic of study, in: Violence and Victims, 20, 2005, 253–261.
In the mid-1980s, when I began conducting research on marital violence, it was politically incorrect to even consider studying female aggression. Battered women’s advocates had been working long and hard to draw attention to the problem of male violence, to get the criminal justice system to take the problem seriously and to provide protection to battered women, and to establish safe shelters for battered women. Feminist theories of relationship violence were prevalent, focusing on male aggression as a socially sanctioned means for men to control and dominate women in our patriarchal country (e.g., Dobash & Dobash, 1979).
64.) S. L. Williams, I. H. Frieze: Patterns of violent relationship, psychological distress, and marital satisfaction in national sample of men and women, in: Sex Roles, 52, 2005, 771-785.
This paper examined six patterns of violent relationships (severe and mild victimization, perpetration, and mutual violence) and their associations with psychosocial outcomes in men and women (N = 3, 519) using data from the National Comorbidity Survey. Violence patterns most frequently reported included mild and severe violence performed by both relationship partners. Some gender differences in frequency of patterns emerged. Main results showed gender differences and some similarities in associations between violence patterns and negative psychosocial outcomes. Women’s victimization, regardless of severity, was more strongly related to psychosocial outcomes than men’s.
65.) K. Henning, B. Renauer: Prosecution of women arrested for intimate partner abuse, in: Violence and Victims, 20(3) 2005, 171-189.
Increasing arrests of women for domestic violence (DV) in the wake of mandatory arrest laws have generated significant concern among victim advocates, researchers, and practitioners. It is commonly believed that many, if not most, of the women arrested are victims who were acting in self-defense. Understanding how these cases are handled by prosecutors and judges is important if we wish to minimize the negative consequences of these errant arrests. The present study examines factors prosecutors in a large southern city considered when accepting or rejecting DV cases involving female defendants. The results indicate that almost one half (47%) of the cases involving women arrested for DV against a heterosexual intimate partner were rejected by prosecutors; another 16% were dismissed by a judge. Legal factors like a defendant’s prior criminal arrests, use of a weapon, victim injury, and, most important, the type of arrest (i.e., dual vs. single arrest) all affected prosecutors‘ decisions to take these cases. Female defendants arrested for offending against a male intimate partner were treated more leniently than male defendants and women arrested for domestic offenses involving other types of relationships (i.e., familial, homosexual). The results highlight the need for a further study of officers‘ arrest decisions in cases involving heterosexual intimate partners.
66.) Jennifer Langhirnrichsen-Rohling: Top 10 Greatest “Hits” Important Findings and Future Directions for Intimate Partner Violence Research, in: Journal of Interpersonal Violence, Vol. 20 No. 1, 2005, 108-118.
In this article, the author highlights her choice of the 10 most important recent findings from the intimate partner violence research literature, which include (a) the creation of the Conflict Tactics Scale; (b) the finding that violent acts are most often perpetrated by intimates; (c) a series of findings that indicate that women also engage in intimate partner violence;
67.) M. K. Ehrensaft, T. E. Moffitt, A. Caspi: Clinically abusive relationships in an unselected birth cohort: Men’s and women’s participation and developmental antecedents, in: Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 113, 2004, 258-271.
In an unselected birth cohort (N=980, age 24-26 years), individuals in abusive relationships causing injury and/or official intervention (9% prevalence) were compared with participants reporting physical abuse without clinical consequences and with control participants who reported no abuse, on current characteristics and prospective developmental risks. In nonclinically abusive relationships, perpetrators were primarily women. In clinically abusive relationships, men and women used physical abuse, although more women needed medical treatment for injury. Women in clinically abusive relationships had childhood family adversity, adolescent conduct problems, and aggressive personality; men had disinhibitory psychopathology since childhood and extensive personality deviance. These findings counter the hibitory assumption that if clinical abuse was ascertained in epidemiological samples, it would be primarily man-to-woman, explained by patriarchy rather than psychopathology.
68.) Deborah S. Boroughs: Female sexual abusers of children, in: Children and Youth Services Review Volume 26, Issue 5, May 2004, 481-487.
In 1996, the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN) investigated more than two million reports alleging maltreatment of more than three million children. More than one million of these children were identified as victims of abuse. Of the one million children, 12% were sexually abused. The sexual abuse of children by women, primarily mothers, once thought to be so rare it could be ignored, constituted 25% (approximately 36 000 children) of the sexually abused victims. This statistic is thought to be underestimated due to the tendency of non-disclosure by victims. This paper examines the statistical data regarding sexual abuse by women, the psychological profiles of these women, how and why society excuses female abusers, the impact on the sexually abused children, and available treatments for the perpetrators.
69.) S. Basile: Comparison of abuse by same and opposite-gender litigants as cited in requests for abuse prevention orders, in: Journal of Family Violence, 19 2004, 59-68.
Despite widespread misconceptions that tend to minimize female abuse, examination of these court documents shows that male and female defendants, who were the subject of a complaint in domestic relation cases, while sometimes exhibiting different aggressive tendencies, measured almost equally abusive in terms of the overall level of psychological and physical aggression.“>Despite widespread misconceptions that tend to minimize female abuse, examination of these court documents shows that male and female defendants, who were the subject of a complaint in domestic relation cases, while sometimes exhibiting different aggressive tendencies, measured almost equally abusive in terms of the overall level of psychological and physical aggression.
70.) Alan Listiak: Resources and bibliography on female sexual deviance and sexually abusive/criminal behavior 2004.
71.) G. Brown: Gender as a factor in the response of the law-enforcement system to violence against partners, in: Sexuality and Culture, 8, (3-4) 2004, 3-139.
However, in at least one important respect, these policy initiatives diverge substantially from what the sociological data, which ostensibly motivates them, would indicate: they have been, to date, overwhelmingly gender specific. That is, partner abuse is routinely portrayed and acted upon as though it were almost exclusively about men abusing and victimizing innocent women and, by extension, their children–despite the overwhelming sociological evidence that a significant amount of abuse is also suffered by male partners.
72.) G. Weizmann-Henelius, V. Viemero & M. Eronen: The violent female perpetrator and her victim, in: Forensic Science International, 133(3) 2003, 197-203.
There were, however, no significant differences found between those who had experienced physical or psychological abuse in childhood or adulthood and those who had no adverse experiences. These findings suggest that the violent behaviour by females leads more often to the death of the victim, when the victim is closely related to the perpetrator. The commonly-held view that violent female offending occurs primarily as a consequence of precipitation by the victim was not supported.
73.) Rachel Simmons: Odd Girl Out: The Hidden Culture of Aggression in Girls. Fort Washington, PA: Harvest Books 2003.
When boys act out, get into fights, or become physically aggressive, we can’t avoid noticing their bad behavior. But it is easy to miss the subtle signs of aggression in girls–the dirty looks, the taunting notes, or the exclusion from the group-that send girls home crying.
74.) Myriam Denov: The myth of innocence: Sexual scripts and the recognition of child sexual abuse by female perpetrators, in: Journal of Sex Research, 40(3) 2003, 303-314.
This paper explores the prevalence of female sex offending and reveals the paradoxes that exist within the available data. Moreover, it highlights the role of traditional sexual scripts in impeding the official recognition of the problem. Traditional sexual scripts, particularly the perception of females as sexually passive, harmless, and innocent, appear not only to have influenced broader societal views concerning sexuality and sexual abuse but also to have permeated the criminal law, victim reporting practices, and professional responses to female sex offending. The implicit denial of women s potential for sexual aggression within these three domains may ultimately contribute to the underrecognition of the problem in official sources.
75.) Barbara Krahe, Eva Waizenhofer, Ingrid Moller: Women’s sexual aggression against men: Prevalence and predictors, in: Sex Roles, 49(5-6) 2003, 219-232.
In this study, we investigated the prevalence of women’s sexual aggression against men and examined predictors of sexual aggression in a sample of 248 women. Respondents reported their use of aggressive strategies (physical force, exploitation of a man’s incapacitated state, and verbal pressure) to make a man engage in sexual touch, sexual intercourse, or oral sex against his will.
76.) Myriam S Denov: To a safer place? Victims of sexual abuse by females and their disclosures to professionals, in: Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 27, Issue 1, January 2003, Pages 47-61.
Conclusion: The study highlights the need for the development and implementation of professional training initiatives to sensitize professionals to the issue of female sex offending and the intervention needs of victims. Failure to do so could have negative consequences for victims sexually abused by females.
77.) Marilyn J. Kwong, Kim Bartholomew, J. Antonia, Shanna J. Trinke: The intergenerational transmission of relationship violence, in: Journal of Family Psychology, Vol 17(3), 2003, 288-301.
This study explored the intergenerational transmission of violence in a community sample. A telephone survey of 1,249 adults in the City of Vancouver assessed family-of-origin violence (father to mother, mother to father, father to self, and mother to self), as well as physical and psychological abuse in intimate relationships. All forms of family-of-origin violence were predictive of all forms of relationship abuse, consistent with a general social learning model of relationship violence. There was no evidence of gender-specific or role-specific patterns of transmission. For example, father-to-mother violence was not specifically predictive of men’s perpetration and women’s victimization in adult relationships. Nor was parent-to-self violence more predictive of victimization than perpetration. The methodological and theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved)
78.) M. J. George: “The Invisible Touch”, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 8 (2003), 23-60.
The controversy surrounding violence by female partners to intimate males has been reviewed from a diverse range of literature and disciplines. Historical and case evidence is presented against a background of the controversy surrounding the findings of studies, using the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS), which show ample evidence of assaults by women on male partners.
79.) D. A. Hines, K. J. Saudino: Intergenerational transmission of intimate partner violence: A behavioral genetic perspective, in: Trauma, Violence, and Abuse, 3, 2002, 210-225.
This article reviews evidence for the intergenerational transmission of intimate violence and discusses why a genetically sensitive design is needed. It reviews behavioral genetic research that shows that aggression is genetically influenced and discusses how this research is pertinent to the study of intimate violence from a behavioral genetic perspective. It is urged that behavioral genetic studies of intimate violence be undertaken so that we may have a better understanding of this behavior.
80.) J. Katz, S. W. Kuffel, A. Coblentz: Are there gender differences in sustaining dating violence? An examination of frequency, severity, and relationship satisfaction, in: Journal of Family Violence, 17, 2002, 247-271.
One topic of debate within the field of intimate violence involves the equivalence, or lack thereof, of male-perpetrated versus female-perpetrated violence. To inform this debate, we examined potential gender-related differences in the frequency of sustaining violence, the severity of violence sustained, and effects of violence on relationship satisfaction. Data were collected from 2 samples of heterosexual undergraduates in dating relationships. In both studies, men and women experienced violence at comparable frequencies, although men experienced more frequent moderate violence.
81.) J. Archer: Sex differences in physically aggressive acts between heterosexual partners: A meta-analytic review, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior, 7 2002, 313−351.
82.) Corrections Service of Canada: Female sex offenders: A review of the literature, Ottawa, Canada: Author 2002.
For a variety of societal reasons, female sexual abuse is likely to remain unnoticed. Some researchers have found that the incidence of sexual contact with boys by women is much more prevalent than is contended in the clinical literature (Condy, Templer Brown & Veaco, 1987) … Many researchers consider Finkelhor and Russell’s (1984) estimates of the prevalence of female sex offending to be the most accurate to date. Their tentative evaluation is that females may account for up to 13% of the abuse of females and 24% of the abuse of males, either acting alone or with a partner.
83.) Jennifer Vick, Ruth McRoy & Bobbie M. Matthews: Young female sex offenders: Assessment and treatment issues, in: Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 11(2) 2002, 1-23.
Key findings include the lack of research, tools, and literature on young female sex offenders and perceived differences between male and female offenders including history, treatment, and characteristics.
84.) Peter Anderson & Dyan Melson: From deviance to normalcy: Women as sexual aggressors, in: Electronic Journal of Human Sexuality, 5 (October 23) 2002.
The traditional gender roles of young women in the United States are changing. According to research reports of the past few decades, women have taken a more commanding role in sexual relationships with men. These new roles have, at times, included behavior identified as sexual aggression.
85.) Lori B. Girshick: Woman-to-Woman Sexual Violence: Does She Call It Rape? Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press 2002.
Lori B. Girshick exposes the shocking, hidden reality of woman-to-woman sexual violence and gives voice to the abused. Drawing on a nationwide survey and in-depth interviews, Girshick explores the experiences and reflections of seventy women, documenting what happened to them, how they responded, and whether they received any help to cope with the emotional impact of their assault.
86.) Marnie C. Ferree: Females and sex addiction: Myths and diagnostic implications, in: Sexual Addiction & Compulsivity, 8(3-4) 2001, 287-300.
Females‘ experiences with sexually compulsive behavior rarely receive the attention directed to males who act out. Six myths concerning women and sexual addiction are offered as an explanation for this oversight. Each myth is challenged and diagnostic implications are discussed. Specific suggestions are outlined for a diagnostic instrument that will identify sexual addiction in women as well as in men.
87.) Myriam S. Denov: A culture of denial: Exploring professional perspectives on female sex offending, in: Canadian Journal of Criminology, 43(3) 2001, 303-329.
Nonetheless, more recent studies, particularly in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States, have begun to acknowledge the existence of female sexual offenders (Cooper, Swaminath, Baxter, and Poulin 1990; Davin, Hislop, and Dunbar 1999; Failer 1987; Mathews, Mathews, and Speltz 1989; Fromuth and Conn 1997; Saradjian 1996). The research, which has included a wide range of data-gathering techniques including large-scale self-report surveys, in-depth interviews, and case-file analyses, has all pointed to the existence of female sexual offending.
88.) Janet I. Warren & Julia Hislop: Female sex offenders: A typological and etiological overview, in: Robert R. Hazelwood & Ann Wolbert Burgess (eds.), Practical Aspects of Rape Investigation: A Multidisciplinary Approach, 3rd edition, pp. 421-434. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press 2001.
While these sexual stereotypes are factually true and thus correct in terms of generalized societal concerns, they also serve to camouflage the sexual exploitation and violence perpetrated by women against male and female children and, in some instances, against adults of both genders.
89.) D. M. Capaldi & L. D. Owen: Physical aggression in a community sample of at-risk young couples: Gender comparisons for high frequency, injury, and fear, in: Journal of Family Psychology, 15 (3) 2001, 425-440.
It was hypothesized that frequent physical aggression toward a partner, in the range of shelter samples, is largely caused by antisocial behavior and mutual couple conflict and, thus, that there would be greater similarity across genders in such behavior than has previously been supposed. It was also predicted that levels of injury and fear would be higher in women but that some men would experience these impacts. Findings indicated similarity across genders both in the prevalence of frequent aggression and in its association with antisocial behavior. Furthermore, such aggression was likely to be bidirectional in couples. Contrary to the hypothesis of the study, rates of injury and fear for the women were not significantly higher than for the men.
90.) St. T. Chermack, M. A. Walton, B. E. Fuller & F. C. Blow: Correlates of expressed and received violence across relationship types among men and women substance abusers, in: Psychology of Addictive Behavior, 15 2001, 140-151.
This study examined expressed and received violence among men and women in substance abuse treatment. Rates of past-year partner violence (PV) did not differ by gender, although men reported markedly higher rates of nonpartner violence (NPV).
91.) J. M. Watson, M. Cascardi, S. Avery-Leaf, K. D. O’Leary: High school students‘ responses to dating aggression, in: Violence and Victims, 16, 2001, 339-348.
From a sample of high school students (N = 476), a subsample who reported that they had experienced at least one episode of being victimized by physical aggression in a dating relationship (n = 183), served as the sample of interest. On average, students engaged in two help-seeking actions, with females reporting more actions than males. Overall, the most common responses to physical aggression in a dating relationship were aggressive action (e.g., fight back), informal help seeking, threatened or actual breakup, and doing nothing (males) or crying (females). Females were more likely to fight back than were males. Race was largely unrelated to students‘ actions. Intervention opportunities and areas for future research are discussed.
92.) J. Archer: Sex differences in aggression between heterosexual partners: a meta-analytic review, in: Psychological Bulletin, 126(5) 2000, 651-80.
Meta-analyses of sex differences in physical aggression to heterosexual partners and in its physical consequences are reported. Women were slightly more likely (d = -.05) than men to use one or more act of physical aggression and to use such acts more frequently.
93.) K. M. Beier: Female analogies to perversion, in: Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 26(1) 2000, 79-93.
The significance of reproversion is relevant to many different specialized medical fields. This is explained in conclusion, using the examples of denied pregnancy and infanticide at birth based on initial empirical results.
94.) Jonathan Green: The last taboo. Marie Claire UK, March. [Interviews with female paedophiles in Minneapolis] 2000.
Female paedophiles are possibly society’s darkest secrets. Reviled for crimes against nature or simply ignored as though their actions are unthinkable, very little is known about them and even less done to help them. Transition Place pioneering centre for women child abusers, but it’s patients have always been too wary to give interviews. Now, for the first time, they have chosen to speak out – to Marie Claire – and discuss their lives frankly, with Jonathan Green.
95.) B. Watkins and A. Bentovim: Male children and adolescents as victims: A review of current knowledge, in: G. C. Mezey and M. B. King (eds.), Male Victims of Sexual Assault, 2nd edition, pp. 35-78. New York: Oxford University Press 2000.
The book reports on the first epidemiological study of male sexual victimization in Europe, challenges the prevailing stereotype of gay men as sexual predators, covers the topic of male rape in prisons, examines the link between early sexual victimization and later perpetration, describes how victims of sexual torture attempt to process and resolve such experiences, provides the historical and anthropological background to the subject, and examines the impact of the changes in legislation.
96.) C. C. Mechem, F. S. Shofer, S. S. Reinhard, S. Hornig, E. Datner: History of domestic violence among male patients presenting to an urban emergency department, in: Academic Emergency Medicine, 6, 1999, 786-791.
Abstract. Objective: To establish the prevalence of domestic violence committed bywomen against male patients presenting to an urban ED for any reason. Methods: This was a prospective survey in which male patients of legal age presenting to the ED over a 13-week period were interviewed. Patients answered a series of six questions adapted from the George Washington University Universal Violence Prevention Screening Protocol. Patients who could not speak English, those refusing to participate, those unable to give informed consent, and those meeting regional criteria for major trauma were excluded. Results: Of 866 male patients interviewed, 109 (12.6%) had been the victims of domestic violence committed by a female intimate partner within the preceding year. Victims were more likely to be younger, single, African American, and uninsured. The most common forms of assault were slapping, grabbing, and shoving (60.6% of victims). These were followed by choking, kicking, biting, and punching (48.6%), or throwing an object at the victim (46.8%). Thirtyseven percent of cases involved a weapon.
97.) Jacquie Hetherton: The idealization of women: its role in the minimization of child sexual abuse by females, in: Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 23, Issue 2, February 1999, Pages 161-174.
Conclusion: Individuals are urged to suspend their disbelief about female perpetrated child sexual abuse. Denial of the phenomenon may result in it continuing to be under-reported and trivialized. As this persists the price will ultimately be paid by victims of on-going abuse and survivors of past victimization whose suffering will be compounded by disparagement of the issue.
98.) Alana D. Graystona, Rayleen V. De Luca: Female perpetrators of child sexual abuse: A review of the clinical and empirical literature, in: Aggression and Violent Behavior Volume 4, Issue 1, Spring 1999, Pages 93-106
Although women have long been viewed as offenders in cases of physical child abuse, it is only recently that clinicians and researchers have begun to seriously consider the problem of female-perpetrated sexual abuse of children.
99.) J. Fedoroff, Alicja Fishell & Beverly Fedoroff: A case series of women evaluated for paraphilic sexual disorders, in: The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 8(2) 1999, 127-139.
The 12 women classified as having at least one paraphilia were similarly compared with an age-matched subsample of these men with diagnoses of paraphilia. Cases were drawn from the clinical records of a Forensic Psychiatrist who has conducted outpatient clinics for assessment and treatment of paraphilic disorders in three countries. The three most common paraphilic disorders in the female study group were: pedophilia (36%), sexual sadism (29%), and exhibitionism (29%).
100.) N.S. Coney & W. C. Mackey: The feminization of domestic violence in America: the woozle effect goes beyond Rhetoric, in: The journal of Men’s Studies 8 (1999) 45-58.
101.) M. S. Fiebert, & M. Tucci: Sexual coercion: Men victimized by women, in: Journal of Men’s Studies, 6(2) 1998, 127-133.
However, within the past decade a number of investigators (Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988; Poppen & Segal, 1988; Stets & Pirog-Good, 1989; Struckman-Johnson, 1988; Waldner-Haugrud & Magruder, 1995) have examined heterosexual dating relations and found that significant numbers of men also report being victims of sexual coercion by female partners. Several studies have provided gender comparisons in the area of sexual coercion. Muehlenhard and Cook (1988) developed a 51-item questionnaire and compared unwanted sexual activity among 507 male and 486 female college students. Results revealed that 97.5% of women and 93.5% of men experienced unwanted kissing, petting, or intercourse sometime in their lives. More men than women reported unwanted intercourse: 62.7% vs. 46.3%.
102.) Lauran E. Duncan & Linda M. Williams: Gender role socialization and male-on-male vs. female-on-male child sexual abuse, in: Sex Roles: A Journal of Research, 39(9/10) 1998, 765-785.
The prevalence of sexual abuse of males by female perpetrators may be more difficult to assess than the prevalence of abuse by males, because females are more often involved in daily intimate care of children, where sexual abuse can go unnoticed (Groth, 1979; Justice & Justice, 1979; Plummer, 1981). In addition, abuse by non-caregivers may be underreported because of cultural assumptions about males—they should be able to protect themselves (Rogers & Terry, 1984); they are supposed to value sexual contact (Trivelpiece, 1990); and sexual abuse is traditionally defined as acts perpetrated against females by males (Finkelhor, 1984). Thus, estimates of the proportion of all sexual abuse perpetrated by women range widely, from 1% (Groth, 1979) to 24% (Finkelhor & Russell, 1984). In the current article, we argue that the sexual abuse of boys has long-term effects on an important arena for well-functioning heterosexual adult—intimate relationships with women.
103.) Jacquie Hethertona, Lynn Beardsall: Decisions and attitudes concerning child sexual abuse: does the gender of the perpetrator make a difference to child protection professionals?, in: Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 22, Issue 12, December 1998, Pages 1265-1283.
Conclusion: While child protection professionals considered child sexual abuse perpetrated by females to be a serious issue warranting intervention, a number of advocated decisions suggested that they did not consider female-perpetrated abuse to be as serious as male-perpetrated abuse. The implication is that victims of sexual abuse perpetrated by a woman may be less likely to receive the protection afforded victims of male-perpetrated abuse. Furthermore, professionals’ practices may be inadvertently perpetuating the view that female child sexual abuse is rare or less harmful than abuse carried out by males.
104.) Peter Anderson, & Cindy Struckman-Johnson: Sexually Aggressive Women: Current Perspectives and Controversies. New York: The Guilford Press 1998.
Working from a range of theoretical perspectives, contributors to this text challenge prevailing stereotypes of women as passive or resistant participants in heterosexual interaction and men as initiators or aggressors. Like men, the book proposes, many women are clearly interested in sex and some are sexually aggressive.
105.) L. F. O’Sullivan, E. S. Byers, L. Finkelman: A comparison of male and female college student’s experiences of sexual coercion, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly, 22(2) 1998, 177-195.
Participants were 433 randomly selected college students who responded to an anonymous survey. In line with past research, more men than women reported being sexually coercive, and more women than men reported being sexually coerced in the preceding year.
106.) L. FitzRoy: Mother/daughter rape: A challenge for feminism. In S. Cook & J. Bessant (Eds.), Women’s encounters with violence: Australian experiences (pp. 40-54). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage 1997.
I have argued that contemporary feminism has failed to believe, support, acknowledge, and appropriately respond to women who disclose their experiences of child sexual assault perpetrated by their mothers. As a consequence, such experiences are absent from feminist theorisations of sexual violence.
107.) Colin Crawford: Forbidden Femininity: Child Sexual Abuse and Female Sexuality. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate Publishing Co 1997.
This text examines the darker side of female sexuality, which has a greater tendency towards sadism, and an impulse to male domination than previously supposed. While this feminine dispassion is normally repressed, and defended against, as a social and internal psychical imperative, it does find expression under particular circumstances. The study considers accounts of female sexual fantasy, presented case studies, action research, and analyses survivors accounts of sexual abuse by women, all of which suggest a sadistic orientation in feminine sexuality. The evidence presented seeks to directly contradict social expectations of, and demands upon, „the feminine“ and the „maternal“.
108.) D. M. Busby & S. V. Compton: Patterns of sexual coercion in adult heterosexual relationships: An exploration of male victimization, in: Family Process, 36(1) 1997, 81-94.
109.) L.K. Waldner-Haugrud, L.V. Gratch & B. Magruder: Victimization and perpetration in gay/lesbian relationships: Gender differences explored, in: Violence and Victims, 12 (1997), 173-184
General results indicate that 47.5% of lesbians and 29.7% of gays have been victimized by a same-sex partner. Further, lesbians reported an overall perpetration rate of 38% compared to 21.8% for gay men.
110.) Astrid Kalders, Helen Inkster, & Eileen Britt: Females who offend sexually against children in New Zealand, in: The Journal of Sexual Aggression, 3(1) 1997, 15-29.
The New Zealand National Police Computer Database was searched to identify all females who had been charged with sexual offences against children from 1978 to 1994 inclusive, and twenty-five females were identified who had offended sexually against children.
111.) Emanuel Peluso, Nicholas Putnam: Case Study: Sexual Abuse of Boys by Females, in: Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry Volume 35, Issue 1, January 1996, Pages 51-54.
112.) Margaret M. Rudin, Christine Zalewski, Jeffrey Bodmer-Turner: Characteristics of child sexual abuse victims according to perpetrator gender, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 19, Issue 8 1995, 963-973.
Both lone female and lone male perpetrators abused more girls (62%, 76%, respectively) than boys. Female perpetrators were more likely to be caretakers than male perpetrators, whereas male perpetrators were more likely to be strangers than female perpetrators. Lastly, lone female perpetrators, lone male perpetrators, and male/female coperpetrators did not differ regarding severity of abuse. Thus, contrary to popular assumption, abuse by female perpetrators was not less severe than abuse by male perpetrators.
113.) Ronald B. Flowers: Female Crime, Criminals, and Cellmates: An Exploration of Female Criminality and Delinquency. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co 1995.
In the United States female crime has grown at a faster rate than male crime over the past couple of decades. Despite this, only limited research has been done by criminologists, psychologists and sociologists on this growing problem.
114.) J.W. White & R.M. Kowalski: Deconstructing the Myth of the Non-aggressive Female: a Feminist Analysis, in: Psychology of Women Quarterly 18 (1994) 477-498.
One of the most pervasive and undisputed gender stereotypes is that men are more aggressive than women. However, this stereotype has, until recently, led researchers to conclude that women are nonaggressive and, therefore, to ignore the topic of female aggression as a distinct phenomenon. The basis of the myth, factors supporting its maintenance, and theories of female aggression are examined.
115.) Gwen Adshead, Mimi Howett, & Fiona Mason: Women who sexually abuse children: The undiscovered country, in: Journal of Sexual Aggression, 1(1) 1994, 45-56.
116.) K. M. Bachmann, F. Moggi & F. Stirnemann-Lewis: Mother-son incest and its long-term consequences: A neglected phenomenon in psychiatric practice, in: Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 182 1994, 723-725.
117.) Peter Anderson: Sexual victimization: It happens to boys, too, in: Louisiana Association for Health, Physical Education, Recreation and Dance Journal, 57(1) 5 1993, 12.
One of the common myths about sexual victimization in our culture is that men or boys are rarely victims of sexual abuse, especially with women as the sexual aggressors (Sarrel & Masters, 1982). Supporting this myth are two other myths: 1) that women don’t or can’t victimize men due to basic differences in size and strength, 2) that women have a special relationship with children (much more bodily contact, affection, and more caregiving activities including changing diapers and other associated nonsexual activities) that precludes sexual victimization (Finkelhor, 1979).
Despite these myths there is a new body of evidence that indicates that males are at risk of sexual victimization from childhood on. In a study of male runaways (McCormack, 1986), 38% had been victims of childhood sexual abuse. In other studies, 56% of male serial rapists (Burgess, Hartman, McCausland, and Powers, 1984) and 17% of male college students had been sexually victimized (Finkelhor, 1979). In a recent study conducted at Texas A&M University significantly more men than women (62.7% vs. 46.3%) self-reported that they had engaged in heterosexual intercourse „when they did not want to…“ (Muehlenhard & Cook, 1988). Anderson and Aymami (in press) related that both women and men reported that women used tactics to achieve sexual contact with men commonly defined as sexually coercive, abusive, or violent. Relevant to this paper, 7.5% of women surveyed by Anderson and Aymami self-reported initiating sexual contact (kissing, fondling, or intercourse) with a man who was in a compromising position (i.e., being where he did not belong or breaking some rule).
118.) Adele Mayer: Women Sex Offenders: Treatment and Dynamics, Holmes Beach, FL: Learning Publications, Inc 1992.
119.) J. Bookwala, I. H.Frieze, C. Smith & K. Ryan: Predictors of dating violence: A multi variate analysis, in: Violence and Victims, 7 1992, 297-311.
120.) B. Watkins & A. Bentvom: The sexual abuse of male children and adolescents: a review of current research, in: Journal of Clinical Psychology & Psychiatry, 33(10) 1992, 197-248.
121.) Christine Lawson: Clinical assessment of mother-son sexual abuse, in: Clinical Social Work Journal, Volume 19, Number 4 1991, 391-403.
This paper explores the possibility that cases of mother-son incest are underreported in the literature on child sexual abuse. Clinical cases of mother-son incest are presented and factors which may account for an underreporting of such cases are discussed. A cultural bias viewing mothers as asexual and males as sexual aggressors is suggested as the primary reason that cases of maternal sexual abuse are rarely identified or reported.
122.) Holida Wakefield & Ralph Underwager: Female child sexual abusers: A critical review of the literature, in: American Journal of Forensic Psychology, 9(4) 1991, 45-69.
However, currently there is increased interest in women as perpetrators of child sexual abuse and some researchers suggest it is more common than previously believed. But there is still considerable disagreement and confusion about just how often women sexually abuse children, what type of woman is a sexual abuser, and under what circumstances the abuse occurs.
123.) R. S. Baron, M. L. Burgess & C. F. Kao: Detecting and labeling prejudice: Do female perpetrators go undetected?, in: Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 17 1991, 115-123.
124.) Irina Anderson & Victoria Swainson: Perceived motivation for rape: Gender differences in beliefs about female and male rape, in: Current Research in Social Psychology, 6(8) 1991 107-122.
Although it is difficult to obtain accurate figures for the incidence of male rape, several recent studies have attempted to measure the prevalence of sexually coercive behavior against men by both men and women, although rape of men by women that is reported to and recorded by the police is rare and as such does not feature in official rape statistics (Lees 1997; although anecdotal evidence exists that this does happen, e.g., Smith, Pine and Hawley 1988.
125.) E. V. Weldon: Women who sexually abuse children, in: British Medical Journal, 300(6738) 1990, 1527-1528.
A second insight concerns the propensity of sexual abuse to be perpetuated through mothers. A significant percentage of the patients we see-and this refers to both men and women-are themselves the victims of sexual abuse as children. Incest committed by fathers is commoner than incest committed by mothers but this condition in men is sometimes traceable to their mother’s perverting actions, which I call „perversogenic.“
126.) Toni Cavanagh Johnson: Female child perpetrators: Children who molest other children, in: Child Abuse & Neglect Volume 13, Issue 4, 1989, Pages 571-585.
127.) A. Banning: Mother-son incest: Confronting a prejudice, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, 13 1989, 563-570.
This paper examines the proposition that the incidence of child sexual abuse by female perpetrators is underestimated. This may be due to a culturally based unwillingness to believe that women commit such acts. Female sexual offenders have been little studied and poorly understood.
128.) Ronald S. Krug: Adult male report of childhood sexual abuse by mothers: Case descriptions, motivations and long-term consequences, in: Child Abuse & Neglect, Volume 13, Issue 1, 1989, 111-119.
Nachdem ich letztens darauf hingewiesen habe, dass 1999 noch rund 92,5 % aller Patentanmeldungen in Deutschland ausschließlich von Männern eingebracht wurden (im Gegensatz zu 1,46 % ausschließlich von Frauen), möchte ich in diesem Beitrag genauer auf die Patentanmeldungen nach Geschlecht eingehen.
In der wirklich aufschlußreichen Studie „ESGI: European Study on Gender Aspects of Inventions Statistical Survey and Analysis of Gender Impact on Inventions“ gingen Busolt et al. im Zeitraum 2006-08, von der EU-Kommission finanziert (wer hätte das gedacht), der Frage nach, inwieweit Frauen am „Innovationsgeschehen und Patentwesen innerhalb des europäischen Forschungsraums“ partizipieren.
Als Indikator zur Erhebung der Beteiligung von Frauen im Innovationsgeschehen werden Daten aus dem Patentwesen herangezogen. Datengrundlage für den ersten Projektteil ist eine umfassende geschlechtsspezifische statistische Analyse von Patentanmeldungen von Anmeldern aus allen 27 EU Mitgliedsstaaten des Europäischen Patentamtes.
Sie erzielten hierbei, nach einem ausgeklügelten statistischen Verfahren – einer geschlechtsspezifischen Analyse nach, bei der Patentanmeldung genannten männlichen oder weiblichen Vornamen, mit dem Output von 93% EU-weit eindeutig zuordenbaren Vornamen – interessante Ergebnisse. So ergab diese stringente Analyse, dass rund 8,3% aller europäischen Erfinder weiblich waren. Sie führen an, im Ländervergleich:
In Litauen, das den höchsten Anteil an Frauen als Patentanmelderinnen aufweist, sind es 23,1% in Österreich, dem Schlusslicht jedoch nur 4,8%. Es stellte sich außerdem heraus, dass die meisten Patenanmelderinnen aus Osteuropa kommen, obwohl dort die wenigsten Patente in der ganzen EU angemeldet werden. Deutschland, die zahlenmäßig führende Nation im europäischen Patentgeschehen, erreicht nur einen Frauenanteil von 6,1%.
Die meisten Patentanmeldungen von Frauen aus konservativen Ländern? Da kann doch etwas nicht stimmen – oder? Doch weiter. Aufgegliedert in die unterschiedlichen Technologiefelder, halten die Autorinnen fest:
Alle Patentanmeldungen wurden in acht Gruppen und 31 Technologiefelder aufgeschlüsselt. Die Mehrzahl der Frauen patentiert im Gesundheits- und Nahrungsmittelsektor sowie im chemischen Sektor. Dabei sind die meisten Erfinderinnen in der Pharmazie (22,7%) und der Biotechnologie (22,2%) zu verzeichnen, wo fast jedes vierte Patent von einer Frau angemeldet wurde. Die Frauenanteile im Transportwesen, dem Technologiefeld mit den meisten Anmeldungen, sind hingegen mit 2,5% äußerst gering. Ebenfalls niedrig fallen die Erfinderinnenanteile in allen mechanischen und elektrischen Sparten sowie in der Konstruktionsbranche und der Physik aus.
Zwei Anmerkungen hierzu. Erstens beträgt der Beitrag der „Erfinderinnen“ zum Patent nur rund 6,3% im EU-Schnitt und zweitens melden Frauen, so behaupten es die Studienautorinnen, Patente häufiger in größeren Gruppen an. Man könnte auch sagen, in Bereichen, welche im Regelfall mehrere Personen ein Patent gemeinsam anmelden, sind mehr Frauen vertreten als in Bereichen, in welchen dies nicht der Fall ist, obwohl dort sowieso schon wenige Frauen vertreten sind. Mit den Worten von Busolt et al.:
Frauen melden außerdem Patente häufiger in denjenigen technologischen Gebieten an, in denen die Patente von größeren Gruppen beantragt werden.
Für die institutionellen Sektoren halten sie fest (man beachte, dass aus 100%, 100,2% werden):
Die Patentaktivitäten in der EU werden klar vom Wirtschaftssektor dominiert, aus dem 88% aller angemeldeten Patente stammen. Die anderen Sektoren haben demnach nur geringe Anteile: 3,9% aller Patente stammen von individuellen Erfindern, 2,0% aus dem Hochschulsektor, 1,8% von Regierungsinstitutionen, 1,9% aus dem Privatsektor und 0,1% aus dem Krankenhausbereich. 2,5% der Erfinder und Erfinderinnen konnten keinem Sektor zugeordnet werden. Im Wirtschaftssektor beträgt der Anteil von Erfinderinnen 7,9%, das heißt, dass von 100 Patenten nur 12 von Frauen angemeldet werden und 88 von Männern. Hingegen ist der Frauenanteil im Hochschul- und Regierungssektor mit jeweils knapp 17% mehr als doppelt so hoch wie in der Wirtschaft.
Wir sehen, europaweit stellen Frauen auf Basis dieser hochwissenschaftlichen Analyse nur rund 8,3% der Erfinder, wobei Gruppenanmeldungen zu berücksichtigen sind – partizipieren Frauen hier oft an den innovativen Leistungen der Männer? Werden diese berücksichtigt, und davon gehe ich aus, korrigiert sich der Anteil an Frauen, die ein Patent – nunmehr allein – eingebracht haben, nach unten. Auf den zweiten Teil der Analyse möchte ich nicht eingehen, zumal hier allen Ernstes die Frage gestellt wird, inwieweit Erfinderinnen in der Europäischen Union unterrepräsentiert sind. Eine Zusammenfassung siehe HIER. Vielleicht sollten wir eine Quote für Erfinderinnen „erfinden“ oder einfach in die Gesetzgebung implementieren. 40% aller Erfindungen müssen von Frauen gemacht werden, sind es auf die Gesamtheit gerechnet weniger, dürfen solange keine männlichen, überzähligen Erfindungen patentiert werden, bis die Quote erfüllt wird.
Auf einen Aspekt möchte ich noch eingehen. In der deutschsprachigen Zusammenfassung des Projektes wird, wie oben zitiert, angeführt, dass Frauen des Öfteren dazu neigen, in Gruppen zu patentieren. In der englischsprachigen Fassung wird tunlichst darauf verzichtet:
7. Female contribution by technical units
All patent applications were allocated to eight sections and 31 technical units. Concluding these findings the dominance of women in section A “Human necessities” and C “Chemistry/Metallurgy” is pronounced. Female researchers invent most often in pharmacy (22.7%) and biotechnology related technologies (22.2%) where approximately one out of four patents is filed by a woman. High rates are also found in chemistry related areas while the female activities are low in the mechanical, construction, physics and electrical sections.
Warum wohl? Das erinnert mich an eine interessante Studie, welche ich in den letzten Tagen las. In Science erschien im Jahre 2006 eine Studie mit dem Titel „Gender Differences in Patenting in the Academic Life Sciences“.
Aus dem Abstract war Folgendes zu entnehmen:
We analyzed longitudinal data on academic careers and conducted interviews with faculty members to determine the scope and causes of the gender gap in patenting among life scientists. Our regressions on a random sample of 4227 life scientists over a 30-year period show that women faculty members patent at about 40% of the rate of men. We found that the gender gap has improved over time but remains large.
Ich dachte zuerst, naiv wie ich bin, dass Frauen in diesem Sample aus „life scientists“ rund 40% der Patente stellen, bemerkte aber doch recht schnell, dass dies nur gemessen an der Rate der Männer war. Was das genau zu bedeuten hat, konnte ich HIER eruieren.
Scheinbar hielten rund 13% der Männer aus dem Sample und rund 5,65% der Frauen ein Patent. Interessant jedoch folgende, wichtige Klarstellung:
Moreover, the male patent holders in the data amassed a total of 1,286 patents, compared to only 92 patents secured by women scientists.
Das wäre dann ein weiblicher Anteil von 6,67%. Als Männerrechtler muss man aber auch immer genau lesen und seiner Spürnase folgen, will man nicht von Genderisten an der Nase herum geführt werden.
Für mich bleibt festzuhalten: Seit nunmehr 40 Jahren werden Frauen gehätschelt und getätschelt, bevorzugt und gefördert. Was die Patentanmeldungen anbelangt, hat sich, wie es scheint, nicht viel getan. Immer noch halten Männer über 90% der Patentanmeldungen, unter Berücksichtigung von Gruppenpatenten mit weiblicher Beteiligung noch mehr. Wird weiterhin so männerfeindlich in Politik und Medien agitiert, kann es zwar sein, dass „mehr“ Frauen „mehr“ Patente anmelden, was uns aber im Gegenzug an männlichem Potential verlorengeht, darüber möchte ich nicht nachdenken.
Aber es fällt ja auch nicht ins Gewicht, da wir nicht-Erfundenes auch nicht vermissen können.
Die Zukunft, zumindest gemessen an den Zahlen der Neugeborenen in den letzten 19 Jahren, scheint nicht weiblich zu sein.
39.430 männliche Mehrgeburten, davon im Schnitt jährlich 2.075, mit einem Verhältniswert welcher niemals unter 1,040 gefallen ist und momentan bei 1,048 liegt, sprechen dagegen.
Da die Mehrzahl der Verstorbenen in Österreich in der Regel 75 Jahre und älter ist und hier der Mehranteil der Frauen bei rund 2/3 liegt, ist in den nächsten Dekaden auch nicht damit zu rechnen, dass sich die Anzahl der Verstorbenen von Mann und Frau angleichen. Die Zukunft bleibt, wenn man so will, diesbezüglich durchaus weiblich.
Ungeachtet der Tatsache, dass sich junge Männer nach einer staatlich verordneten Auszeit (man könnte auch von einem Zwangsdienst sprechen) vermehrt dafür entscheiden, nicht zu studieren und dies zu Gunsten der jungen Frauen gewertet werden darf, stellen junge Männer immer noch die Mehrzahl der Studenten in den Masterstudiengängen und die Mehrzahl der Doktoranden. Ein weiterer Grund dafür, warum im Vergleich zu den jungen inländischen Frauen weniger Männer studieren, mag im femokratischen Schulsystem liegen. Die Intelligenzverteilung in der Bevölkerung würde darauf schließen lassen, dass in den höheren Schulstufen und Universitäten gleichviel und mehr Männer vertreten sein sollten als Frauen. Dem ist nicht so. Vielleicht sollte man sich überlegen, nach 40 Jahren feministischer Umstrukturierung der Lehrpläne, wieder vermehrt auf Jungeninteressen einzugehen und mehr männliche Lehrer zu beschäftigen. Allein in meinem Schulbezirk sind an den hier ansässigen höheren Schulen im Schnitt rund knapp 67% der beschäftigten Lehrkräfte weiblich.
Dass sich junge Männer und Männer generell allen Unwegsamkeiten zum Trotz dennoch innovativ einbringen, zeigen die Zahlen zu den Patentanmeldungen. Nimmt man hier einen Vergleichswert aus Deutschland heraus, sieht man, dass im Jahre 1999 noch rund 92,5 % der dort genehmigten Patentanmeldungen ausschließelich von Männern und nur rund 1,46% ausschließlich von Frauen eingebracht wurden.
Eine Abschaffung der Zwangsdienste wird letztlich dazu führen, dass im Verhältnis zu den Frauen wieder mehr Männer studieren werden. Politisch neu inszinierte Unwegsamkeiten, wie eine Verkürzung der Bezugszeiten der Familienbeihilfe, eine Erhöhung der Beitragszahlungen beim Rückkauf von (Pensions)Versicherungszeiten, eine Ausdehnung der Studienzeiten im Bachelor-, Master- und Doktoratstudium werden sowohl bei Frauen als auch bei Männern dazu beitragen, dass weniger junge Menschen sich für ein Studium entscheiden; meines Erachtens hier wiederum zu Gunsten der jungen Männer. Fazit: Auch hier ist die Zukunft, ohne weitere Maßnahmen der „positiven Diskriminierung“ nicht weiblich!
Die Vergangenheit, was den Anteil der Frauen an der Gesamtbevölkerung betrifft, war in der Tat weiblich. Im Jahre 1981 befanden sich unter der Jahresdurchschnittsbevölkerung von 7.568.710 Personen 3.988.477 Frauen, was einem prozentualen Anteil von 52,69 entspricht. Quantitativ betrachtet gab es zu diesem Zeitpunkt in der österreichischen Bevölkerung 408.244 Frauen mehr als Männer. Bis zum Jahr 2009 verringerte sich trotz Zunahme der Gesamtbevölkerung und Zunahme unter sowohl dem männlichen als auch dem weiblichen Bevölkerungsanteil die Differenz zwischen männlicher und weiblicher Bevölkerung. Frauen stellten 2009 rund 51,29 % der Gesamtbevölkerung (8.363.040). Die Zuwachsraten zwischen 1981 und 2009 betrugen nur 7,03 im Gegensatz zu 13,75 % bei den Männern. In Verhältniszahlen ausgedrückt bedeutet dies, dass während im Jahr 1981 noch 1,11 Frauen auf einen Mann kamen, es im Jahr 2009 nur mehr 1,05 Frauen sind. Gemessen an den Bevölkerungszahlen wird die Zukunft Männlich sein.
Auch bezüglich der Lebensformen würde ich nicht davon ausgehen, dass die Zukunft weiblich ist. Man mag der feministischen Aktivierung des subjektiven Potentials positiv gegenüberstehen, propagiert sie doch Selbstverwirklichung und Ichbezogenheit an erster Stelle. Für die Gesellschaft ist dies in Extrema sowohl für Männer als auch für Frauen schädlich. Neben einer vielleicht positiv zu bewertenden Abnahme der Anzahl von Ehepaaren für Frauen und – wegen der aktuellen Gesetzgebung – vor allem für Männer, steht eine Zunahme von Ein-Eltern-Familien um 156% bis ins Jahr 2001. Ob die Zunahme der Alleinlebenden von 5,3 % im Jahr 1971 auf 13,7 % im Jahr 2009 bei den Männern und von 11,88% im Jahr 1971 auf 16,91% im Jahr 2009 bei Frauen ausschließlich auf Freiwilligkeit und Lebensfreude bzw. Selbstverwirklichung beruht, sei dahingestellt. So befreiend Selbstverwirklichung in der Jugend und dem mittleren Alter sein mag, so störend kann sie mitunter im Alter sein. Rund 60% der alleinlebenden Frauen sind älter als 60 Jahre und rund 41,6 % der alleinlebenden Männer sind zwischen 30 und 50. Hier von einer weiblichen oder männlichen Zukunft zu sprechen ist verfehlt. Hier möchte ich von einer gemeinsamen, gesellschaftlichen Zukunft sprechen, die weder männlich noch weiblich, die einfach menschlich sein sollte und ansonsten sowohl den Männern als auch den Frauen dauerhaft schadet.
Es hat sich in der Behandlung der verschiedenen Indices klar herausgestellt, dass die Zukunft nicht weiblich vielmehr männlich und was die Lebensformen betrifft wohl am ehesten gemeinschaftlich, „menschlich“ sein sollte und hoffentlich sein wird. Statistisch gesehen und dies seien meine Schlussworte, ist der folgende, auf die Vergangenheit gemünzte, kurze Absatz von Xenos, im übertragenen Sinne wohl auch für eine nahe Zukunft zutreffend.
Er meint in Medusa schenkt man keine Rosen (239):
Und so erben am Ende ausgerechnet diejenigen alle Zukunft, die über Jahrzehnte hinweg, Jahrzehnte, in welchen Männer die Raumfahrt erprobten, die Biologie revolutionierten und den Planeten mit dem digitalen Abbild ihrer Gedanken umhüllten, einzig ihren Bauch eroberten und mit den Mitteln der Diskriminierung, mit den Krücken der Quoten und teurer Eigenförderung auch einige lukrative Jobs, aber nicht einmal dies ohne Hilfe und Einvernehmen der Männer. Könnte Zukunft wirklich solcher Spezies vorbehalten sein? Wir meinen: nein.
 Ich beziehe mich generell auf Daten, einzusehen unter statistik.at – Alle Angaben ohne Gewähr.